Geopolitics, Development, and National Security: Romania and Moldova at the Crossroads
Given the geographical proximity, perhaps this is an understandable error. However, moving forward into the twenty-first century, and considering the highly sensitive geopolitical, security and development issues playing out in the region, we believe each nation should be treated with the unique distinction it deserves. Building a mosaic of the most current research, practical application, and policy, the authors, who represent unique, insider perspectives, cover a range of emerging and timely topics from Black Sea security to cultural analyses, organizational development and risk assessment shedding light on social, political and economic challenges of rapid transition in the region, while considering the implications for research, practice and policy in other front-line regions around the world.
Skip to main content Skip to table of contents. Advertisement Hide. Trade Regime. Public Procurement. Transparency Pack. The Republic of Moldova is a small country, favorably located in south-eastern Europe, which covers the area of Being situated at a distance of km from Black Sea, Moldova extends over km from North to the South and km from West to the East. Moldova borders two countries: Ukraine on the East and Romania on the West. Benefiting from developed network of transportation and communication links, Moldova has important opportunities for co-operation with the countries of the region.
On June 8, just before the deadline for dissolving parliament and calling new elections, last-minute negotiations produced an agreement between the Socialist and ACUM parties.
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Most Moldovans thought the three-month deadline would fall on June 9. The Constitutional Court argued that three months means 90 days, making the deadline June 7. Though typically viewed as a state torn between Russian influence and the West, Moldova faces not only external problems but also serious internal challenges.
In addition, five years after Moldova signed an accession agreement with the European Union, questions remain about whether the country is willing—or even able—to undertake the comprehensive reforms required to join the EU. And is there real political will in Moldova, especially right now after elections, to become a full-fledged member of the EU? Cory Welt, Specialist in European Affairs at the Congressional Research Service, jumped in first to provide context for the conversation.
And these flaws included allegations of vote buying and the misuse of state resources. Nonetheless, the outcome of the elections appears to reflect longstanding domestic divisions within Moldova, between what you might characterize as a European-leaning majority and a Russian-leaning minority.
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And Moldova is a pretty sore spot. And this is something that should certainly concern the United States and its democratic allies. Cristina Balan, Ambassador of the Republic of Moldova to the United States maintained that while Moldova has seen hard times, the country is working to improve. She highlighted its strong partnership with the U. There is a lot of work to be done. From the latest revelations about Facebook to ongoing concerns over the integrity of online information, the U.
What can be done to confront and defeat these malevolent actors before they dominate civil discourse on the Internet? One possibility is the use of algorithmic signal reading which displays for users the geographic origin of a given post. Another answer may lie in improving how websites like Facebook curate their content, so the user can make more informed choices. At this Helsinki Commission briefing, distinguished experts examined the implications of computational propaganda on national and international politics and explored options available to Congress and the private sector to confront and negate its pernicious influence.
Thursday, November 29, a. At this Helsinki Commission briefing, distinguished experts will examine the implications of computational propaganda on national and international politics and explore options available to Congress and the private sector to confront and negate its pernicious influence. Holmer gave a short interview on her position at the OSCE and explained why she sees a human-rights based approach to counterterrorism to be critical.
Later she directed the Countering Violent Extremism CVE program at the United States Institute of Peace, where she helped develop a strategic approach to violent extremism that harnessed peacebuilding tools. Upholding human rights as part of the effort to counter terrorism is necessary and can contribute to preventing violence in the long term. These ideas led Holmer to pursue a degree mid-career in international human rights law at Oxford University.
In , Holmer was offered a position at the OSCE, and was drawn to its comprehensive approach to security. This can also be understood inversely — upholding human rights is a pathway to preventing terrorism. Holmer explained that because the OSCE is a political organization, its structure and activities invite states and other stakeholders to exchange ideas frankly. The OSCE frequently convenes policy makers and practitioners from its participating States to discuss measures to prevent radicalization leading to terrorism.
Various seminars, workshops, and conferences have introduced concepts of prevention and helped advance the role of civil society in countering violent extremism.
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- Geopolitics, development, and national security : Romania and Moldova at the crossroads.
She also added that sharing good practices is only effective when efforts are made to tailor responses and approaches to a specific context. Measures to prevent need to incorporate an understanding of the nature of the threat in any given environment.
She said the ways that individuals radicalize and the dynamics that influence people to become engaged in violent extremism differ. History has shown that robust engagement in multilateral arenas represents long-term realism: to lead, we must be involved; to protect our national interests and the principles we hold dear, we must remain engaged; and to inspire those who suffer every day under authoritarian regimes, we must hold our own country to the highest standards on the world stage.
These challenges are not isolated and are waged on many fronts — economically, militarily, and diplomatically. Some may use these challenges as an excuse to retreat, claiming that engagement in international organizations like the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe OSCE adds no value. We believe that quite the opposite is true. Amid the alphabet soup of institutional acronyms, many Americans probably have not heard of the OSCE, let alone know that it is the largest regional security organization in the world.
We have engaged the OSCE, as a whole, even longer. We know firsthand the value of U. A Broader Definition of Security The essential, enduring value of the OSCE can be traced back to its founding and the ideological transformation that it quietly unleashed. Moscow saw the document as a way to validate post-World War II border changes and tighten its stranglehold on Eastern Europe. As troops massed along the Iron Curtain after the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia in , Europe began to see some value in greater East-West engagement.
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The United States saw the Soviet proposal as a damage-mitigation exercise at best. The integration of human rights into a concept of security was revolutionary. This was remarkable for its time. These two innovations made the Act a rallying point for human rights advocates everywhere, especially dissident movements in the one-party communist states of the Soviet bloc.
Groups like Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, Solidarity in Poland, and other monitoring groups in the Soviet Union and Baltic States that were crucial to the eventual collapse of communism in Europe relied on Helsinki commitments in their advocacy. With U. The strongest weapons in the U. Today's Inflection Point We were both serving in the House of Representatives shortly after the Soviet Union collapsed in the early s. We were aware that the transitions ahead would be difficult, particularly as horrific ethnic cleansing spread in the Balkans and a brutal war was waged in Chechnya.
Although we were on opposite sides of the aisle, we were joined in our conviction that liberal democracy would ultimately prevail throughout Europe and into Central Asia. Unfortunately, our confidence was dramatically misplaced. Thirty years later, instead of the peace and prosperity we expected in the OSCE region, we are at an inflection point, faced with uncertainty and the increasing erosion of the security framework that followed the Cold War.
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The Russian government supports separatists in the Transnistrian region of Moldova, interferes in elections in the United States and Europe, and undermines faith in democratic governments worldwide through cyberattacks and information warfare. An era of increasing nationalism, Kremlin revisionism, and rising authoritarianism may not, at first, seem to be the best moment to revitalize multilateral diplomacy.
But it has been, and will continue to be, in our national interest to promote democracy, the rule of law, and human rights around the world — just as we did more than 40 years ago in the Finnish capital. Those Helsinki commitments, and their institutionalization over time, empower us to stand up for our values and for comprehensive security at a time in which we absolutely must. We hope the administration will endorse this effort.
This is no Cold War relic. We have seen examples of multilateral success in many initiatives, beginning with its quick embrace of newly independent states, from the Balkans to Eastern Europe and Central Asia.
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As multiethnic states broke apart, the OSCE created a high commissioner on national minorities in to address ethnic tensions and proactively prevent conflict between or within states over national minority issues. Under OSCE auspices, internal political confrontations in Serbia in and Albania in were resolved through high-level engagement before they became a broader threat to peace and prosperity in Europe. The United States led the way, generating the political will to act quickly and with resolve. Robust field missions also were created in the s to respond to conflicts, first in the Balkans and then extending into Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia.
In some places, such as Kosovo, the OSCE often was the only acceptable international monitor or facilitator on the ground, serving as the eyes and ears of the international community, bringing opposing sides together, and mitigating spillover effects in neighboring countries. Established in to monitor implementation of the Minsk Agreements, its approximately monitors provide clear and unbiased reporting of ceasefire violations and human costs of the conflict. Approximately half of the U. The mission faces challenges, including attempts to sabotage its work and concerns about security.
The latter was tragically demonstrated by the death of Joseph Stone, a U.
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Kremlin propaganda would have a clear field to disguise the true nature and scale of the conflict. The evaluations that these missions produce are critical benchmarks for OSCE countries and support U. Pressure from the organization and its participating states has been a major factor in the release of political prisoners in countries like Azerbaijan. The Helsinki Commission also weighed in.